Before
I get down to the task of delineating issues for NGO Action in the context of
the ‘drought conditions’ that engulf all the regions of western Rajasthan, it
would not be inappropriate for me to devote some time on my understanding of
this ‘crisis’. For, as would become clear, this definitely influences my
delineation of the issues. Delineation of issues for action, to my mind, also
carry the responsibility to think, reflect, discuss and debate. Perhaps we need
to realize that as NGOs we have devoted far less time to these things that we
ought to have. And it is clear that any discussion about the issues for action
has to take into account, more than ever before, the long term.
In
2002, the spectre of a severe ‘drought’ started haunting the communities of
western Rajasthan ever since the State declared the ‘failure of crops’ in it’s
Girdawari Report for the rabi crop in
May and the relief works in June-July.
As the months have been passing in this unusually long and hot summers,
the anticipated problems, because of the crisis apparently caused by the
failure of monsoons in entire North India, have become issues of concern among
the State, the Donors and the NGO development sector in western Rajasthan.
Many, in western Rajasthan, are talking about
possibly
the worst drought in recent human memory here.
Whereas
there is little disagreement about the pervasiveness of the crisis, there is
definitely a conflict of opinions regarding the causal factors that lie behind
these ‘drought conditions’. These differences in situating causes result in
differing perceptions that determine the kind of issues one delineates for
future action.
‘Drought’: The Dominant Paradigm
If
one traces the persistent rhetoric of the State, in the last few months, there
has been a clear tendency to attribute the scarcity to the failure of monsoons
in the State. ‘Drought’ then becomes a ‘natural disaster’, an unfortunate
happening for an otherwise dynamic developmental State. In fact it would not be
an exaggeration to say that the term ‘drought’ is a lever to trigger off
‘relief works’ in the State. ‘Relief works’ that are eagerly awaited in the
circles of bureaucrats and rural elites for the prospects of quick profits they
represent. This is a view that derives strength and legitimacy from the
structures of power and control in the society that are deeply entrenched.
Here
it needs to be pointed that this perception of
‘drought relief’ following the ‘declaration of drought’ by the State has
been solidified over decades since Independence, and it has become an integral
part of State policy and planning. Each subsequent year has only reproduced
this notion with greater force and penetration. In popular folk memory it has
contributed to the formation of a distinct image of ‘profit maximization’
(associated with corruption, hoarding, wage exploitation etc.) by the elites at
the expense of the poor.
Although
in the last few years there has been a trend to formulate long term planning
(e.g. Water Vision-2045, Government of Rajasthan) to address the
problems faced in the water sector), one sees, as yet, very little evidence of
the translation of these ‘long-term plans’ on the ground. Moreover this new
found ‘optimism’ in long term planning has also to do a lot with organizing
funds from international agencies, who for the most part prescribe these
formats. Somehow the lower bureaucracy and the Panchayats are so well attuned
to reproducing the older patterns of ‘drought relief’, stripping them off these
older practices has proved too cumbersome and difficult. However much hope lies
in this ‘turn’ of the State towards ‘long term planning’ in which concepts like
participation of the community, decentralization of decision making play a key
role. Perhaps the NGOs need to enter into a more organized dialogue (both
amongst each other and with the State) on these developments at the policy
level, set up mechanisms for monitoring it and be ready to participate. I would
elaborate on this more when I discuss the issues pertaining to this.
Many
NGOs in western Rajasthan began with ‘combating drought’ as one of their most
critical objectives. Especially after the drought of 1986-87, the space for NGO
action, within the interstices of the State, expanded. In fact in the hey days
of NGO work there was an attempt to consciously distance oneself from the
dominant logic of ‘relief operations’ of the State by these NGOs. What situated
these NGOs as different from the State was the quality of the reach of the NGOs
among the community right from identification of the most needy, disbursement
of wages and food, to reaching out to people in the far interiors. These
practices have contributed to the formation of a distinct work culture by the
NGOs. Of late, these have been recognized by the State as well.
However
the NGOs, apart from some exceptions here and there, were not really able to
articulate an alternative framework for ‘combating drought’. This was most
apparent when it came to planning interventions for long-term consolidation or
‘drought proofing’. Perhaps planning for the long term called for certain
skills that were either absent or were present in a very elementary form among
the NGOs. As a result no conscious and strong alternative to the State ‘model’
of planning and action could come forth. NGOs continued to operate within the
dominant framework of the perception of the ‘drought’ and the planning for
‘relief’ spelt out by the State.
In
this viewpoint, emergency relief becomes a transitory issue to avert the
‘natural’ disaster. What then follows is a discussion about determining the
intensity and spread of ‘relief’ operations. The issues for ‘future’ action
then are discussed within the dominant framework of ‘emergency relief’. Often
couched in the language of humanitarian concern, the arguments advanced seek to
get moral and emotional legitimacy from various sections of the civil society.
Although there is an allusion made to long- term consolidation, very few
concrete measures are posited. Understandably the vision that characterizes the
planning and execution of relief interventions remains wedded to the short
term, the immediate.
Here
I may point out that the problem that such a viewpoint confronts in the present
scarcity conditions is precisely the time frame. This year, the stock, the
normal time period of emergency relief, the months of May to July, has been
stretched. Somehow, planning ‘emergency relief’ for a longer period becomes
unrealistic, calling for huge amounts of funds. An impasse has been reached
regarding decisions pertaining to the kind of interventions to be implemented
and within what time frame. One manifestation of this impasse has been the
inability of the NGOs / Donors to begin any tangible drought ‘relief’ work,
despite admitting the severity of the situation on the ground.
‘Drought’: Another View!
Whereas
there is little doubt that there has been a failure of monsoons, opinions
differ as to the role of this in making the ‘drought conditions’. Proponents of
another view would not accept the ‘drought conditions’ as a ‘natural disaster’.
Rather they would tend to situate the causes in the interplay of interconnected
factors over a long period of time, climatic changes being one of them.
For
those of us in the field, in a way, ‘drought’ has never gone off the ground
since 1998. It could be argued that the ‘severe crisis’ that we are facing now,
is a result of slow, persistent degradation that has been taking place all these
years.
Many
would argue that the ‘drought conditions’ today are, in a larger measure, a
result of long term processes triggered by changing policies and nature of the
State and the forces of the market. So instead of situating the present
scarcity as a ‘natural disaster’ they would like to view it as a ‘policy
drought’. Thus squarely laying the emphasis on socio-economic and political
causes rather than climatic.
Moreover
they would argue that the role of climatic has to be seen in a more complex way
than a mere reductionism of a ‘drought’ from the ’failure of rains’. Failure of
monsoons, in this case, has to be made sense of. There are many who attribute
India's errant monsoons and consequent drought to larger climatic changes the
world over and in the South Asian region. Through the nineties we have learnt
to appreciate the intimate interconnectedness of natural phenomenon on the
earth. There are many who have made us see that the biosphere is as much a site
for politics and control as are economies and polities. Global warming and the
related changes are no longer a matter of seminar room talk only. What I mean
to say is that the failure of rains is also a manifestation of the all out
onslaught on our biosphere by global capital. This is one dimension that we
need to integrate and factor in our discussions about ecological stability and
sustainability of the Thar.
There
is, of course, the question of forecasting these adverse events. For changes in
weather and rainfall, the ability to forecast droughts and floods well in
advance has not been perfected. The problem is one of imperfections in our
scientific instruments. Satellites can give us information only a bit in
advance. But full forecasting, with reasonable probability of occurrence, is a
long way off. However, considering that adverse climatic patterns do occur now
and then, there must be a set of
policies
to deal with the situations. Unfortunately, this is not happening in India.
Collapse
of agriculture and other livelihoods just by a failure of rains, even after
fifty years of planning, raises many basic questions about our planning and
programmes.
For
the last ten years we had a series of average or above average rainfall years
-- a very unusual meteorological phenomenon. In eight years rainfall was 101 to
119 percent of average and in
the remaining two, above 90 percent (90 to 110 percent is the
"normal" range). Ten good monsoons and we still managed to wreck
Indian agriculture
There
are strong contending views in the contemporary literature on the Indian
agricultural policies that vulnerability of Indian farmers greatly influenced
by Globalization and the policies of WTO and GATT. Investment in agriculture
collapsed in the 1990s The ministry of agriculture as well as the ministry of
commerce have admitted that the hopes from an international regime that talked
of establishing a fair and market-oriented agricultural trading system have been belied.
Today,
at a time when food production struggles to keep pace with the burgeoning
population growth, farmers are being asked to diversify, produce crops that are
suitable for export and
to compete in the international market. With the promise of cheap food
available off the shelf in the global market, the focus has shifted from
agriculture to industry, trade and commerce, from the small and marginal
farmers to the agri-processing companies, which alone can bring in investments
and add value to produce.
The
poor yields and the fluctuations in production are indications of the scant
attention
drylands have received from policymakers and planners. The problem of
increasing productivity on drylands has serious socio-economic implications.
With every passing year, the gap between the farmer's yields in irrigated areas
and in the dry farming region is widening. One year of drought is enough to
push a farmer into a deep well of poverty for another two to three years.
Drought is a recurring
phenomenon in arid and semi-arid areas. Fifty years after Independence, life
for millions of people somehow surviving in the drylands continues to be worse
than before. The farmers in the dry lands (fragile areas) are among the worst
hit.
Rajasthan's
rural poor are seeing the shredding of the little food security they were left
with.
The
rural poor, especially landless labourers have suffered in the following ways.
A fall in income is obvious. For many, the period from about August to October
is anyway critical. As food prices rise, so will hunger in rural
households. Many who own a few goats or
fewer head of cattle could lose them. The debt situation gets much worse. The pressure on women in rural households
will be huge. The time and energy they spend in fetching water, firewood and
fodder shoots up. But their food intake goes down. The policies of the past
decade have smashed what little the rural poor have had on the public health
front.
And
yet, the drought is discussed mostly as a natural phenomenon. As if everything
was fine until it came along. And the failure to cope with it seen as one of
"faulty implementation" of noble projects and schemes. Really? In
fact, as P. Sainath says”…the problems
lie first in the policies. Most of them anti-poor in design and content. In
fact, the last decade saw the best implementation of the worst policies.”
In
fact it would not be an exaggeration to say that the end of nineties
represented the culmination of a process of liberalization and the
marginalization of poor that started almost a decade and a half earlier.
Over
time there has been what could be referred to as the ‘retreat of the State’
where it’s welfare role has practically minimized having it’s manifestations in
cuts in social spending, primary health, security and education. These cuts
have had drastic consequences for the survival of poor communities in the rural
regions. This ‘retreat of the State’ has had it’s impact on the growth of the
NGO sector in the Thar. The nineties has seen the mushrooming of many small,
localized NGO initiatives. Voluntary spirit to work at the grass- roots was
outpaced by the proliferation of localized organizations for ‘rural
development’. This has impacted on the ‘distinct work culture’ of the NGOs I
mentioned in the last section.
All
this has triggered off a crisis of legitimacy of the NGOs in the civil society.
Although still quite nascent, there have been beginnings made on the
questioning of the legitimate space of the NGOs vis-à-vis the community as well
as the different levels of the State. As many NGO workers from different NGOs
in the Thar would testify, the contestation of the space vis-à-vis the
community as well different levels of the State has almost become a daily
existential question. In a period of heightened scarcity like ‘drought’ such
contestations become more sharpened and acute.
Changes
because of policies and their implementation; increasing role of the market and
the changing role of the State manifest themselves in ever increasing
disparities between the rich and the poor; pauperization of the poor; loss of
markets and livelihood opportunities for the poor; diminishing entitlements of
food and water for the poor, especially low caste and women; exorbitant rates
of interest for credit; perpetuation of extremely exploitative work conditions
for the low caste, etc.
And
these manifestations happen in a fragile eco-system like that of the Thar,
where natural resource use, in many spheres, has reached limits. In the last
four decades the Thar has become a more crowded place and the impact of
anthropogenic pressures on the natural resource base has been quite massive. In
the last fifty years, the contraction of vegetation cover / bio- mass has
assumed catastrophic proportions. This is important since it severely limits
diversity of an already fragile ecosystem.
THE WORLD OF POOR & VULNERABLE IN THE THAR
NAME OFTHE NGO
|
PROJECT AREA
|
DISTRICT
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
1. UMBVS
|
PHALODI &
|
JODHPUR &
|
|
POKARAN
|
JAISALAMER
|
2. Marushakti
|
SUJANGARH
|
CHURU
|
3. Prayas Sansthan
|
SINDHARI
|
BARMER
|
4. Lok Kalyan Sansthan
|
BAITU
|
BARMER
|
5. Srajamyaham
|
SAM
|
JAISALMER
|
6. Sahaj Sansthan
|
PHALODI
|
JODHPUR
|
7. School of Desert Sciences
|
LUNI
|
JODHPUR
|
8. Khejari
|
JAYAL
|
NAGORE
|
9. Jan Kalyan Sansthan
|
POKARAN
|
JAISALMER
|
10. Samaj Evam Paryavaran Sansthan
|
BALESAR
|
JODHPUR
|
11. SURE
|
CHOHTAN
|
BARMER
|
12. Gramin Vikas Parayvaran Sarankshan Sansthan
|
KHICHAN
|
JODHPUR
|
13. Shanti Maitri Mission Sansthan
|
PUGAL
|
BIKANER
|
14. Mahila Mandal
|
SHIV
|
BARMER
|
15. UNNATI *
|
JODHPUR
|
|
16. AZERC, URMUL Trust *
|
BIKANER
|
|
* - Research and Support Centres
WATER
1.
Renovation of TWHS in Both Drylands & IGNP Canal Areas
q Emphasis on the Water Catchment Structure
and Not Earthwork
q Integrating Afforestation with TWHS
Renovation
q Removal of Prosopis Jurifora
rubble and obstacles from water catchments
q Ensuring Community Participation Not Only
in Construction of TWHS But Maintenance and Water Distribution
2.
Need to Work Closely With State PHED Dept., GoR
q Operations and Maintenance of Pipelines
and Wells
q Participation of the Community
3.
Application of Renewable Energy (Especially Solar & Wind) For Harnessing
Water
4.
Devising Strategies for Community Based Cooperatives for Under Ground Water Use
5.
Exploring Renewable Technologies for Under Ground Water Use
6.
Promoting Desalinization Plants on a Decentralized Basis
7.
Policy & Public Advocacy on Water
q Water Vision 2045 (GoR)
q National & State Water Policy
q Underground Water Bill
q PIM Act 2000
q Access to Water By Low Caste
8.
Setting Up of A Resoure & Training Centre in Pugal, Bikaner for Popular
Institutions (Chak Samities / Forest Committees) For Efficient Water Management
in the IGNP Stage II Command Area
9.
Promoting Cartage of Water By Camel Carts to Interior Settlements
LIVELIHOODS
AGRICULTURE
- Setting
Up of Seed Banks of Indigenous Seeds
- Agricultural
Land Bunding For Small & Marginal Farmers
- Promoting
Organic Manure & Compost Pits
- Piloting
& Dissemination of Sustainable Agricultural Practices Using
Participatory Technology Development Approaches
- Advocacy
on Integrating Water-Course Covering & Diggi Construction As Essential
Components in Farmer Managed PIM In the IGNP Stage II
- Facilitating
Farmer participation in Seeds & Fertilizer Market
- Creation
of Producers’ Cooperatives & Federations
LIVESTOCK REARING
- Promoting
Breed Improvement of Hardy and Indigenous Breeds like Thar Parkar, Rathi,
etc
- Facilitating
Linkages of Pastoral Groups with Govt. Veterinary Services
- Develop and Institutionalize Village
“Goshalas” with year round back up of pasture, animal husbandry and breed
improvement support
- Use of
Cow Dung and Urine to Prepare Variety Of Bio products For Economic Upkeep
and Sustenance of “Goshalas”
- Promoting
Goat rearing As a Livelihood for Poor In an Ecologically Sustainable
Manner
- Advocacy
on Recognition of Communal Usufructory Grazing Rights of Pastoralists
- Regularising
Health Facilities for Livestock as well as Humans Along Major Migration
Routes
NON-FARM LIVELIHOODS
1. Promoting Handicrafts
2. Formation of Women SHGs and Producer
Cooperatives at the Village level
3. Easy Availability of Rural Credit for
Setting Up Small Business
4. Developing Vocational Skills Other Than
Traditional Crafts As Livelihood Options
FOOD STOCKS
& DISTRIBUTION
1. Coordinating with the Supreme Court
Secretariat for Proper Implementation of Food & Nutrition Schemes of the
Govt.
2. Liasioning with the District Supply
Officer / Education Dept.
3. Building Community Based Nutrition
Monitoring Networks
4. Promoting Decentralized Locally Designed
Storage Structures
5. Facilitating Exchange Among Inter-Regional
Networks of Grain Banks
FODDER & GRASSLANDS
1. Monitoring Bio Mass and Vegetation Cover
2. Revival and Rejuvenation of “Orans” and
“Gouchars” By Removing Exotic Species and widening water channels and water
bodies located in these CPRs
3. Promoting traditional stocking strategies
for Fodder Storage
4. Efforts To Increase Genetic Diversity
5. Plantation of Herbal Plants on a large
scale
6. Promoting Decentralized Fodder Storage
7. Making Use of Good Rainfall Years to
Increase Bio Mass Production
8. Advocating for Protection / Conservation
of Natural Grasslands
9. Facilitating Regeneration / Regulation of
Village pastures for Small Livestock Owners
10. Community Participation and Decision
Making In Bio Mass Regeneration
POLICY
ADVOCACY LINKED TO ‘DROUGHT’
1. Assessment Process
& Declaration of ‘Drought’
q The Production of Girdawari as a Document - Is it adequate?
q Question of Crop Failure as an Index, why
not have biological yields per hectares as an Index!
q Indicators for Assessing the Status of
Livestock Keepers & Grasslands
q Ascertaining Migration patterns of Humans
/ Livestock
q 'Critique' of the Rajasthan Famine Relief
Code
q Role of Climate Changes & Changing
Structure of Drought
q When does 'drought' end?
2. Drought Relief: Policy
& Practice
q Awareness Sessions / Campaigns for the
NGOs / Community
§
Provisions
relating the Right to Minimum Wages & Employment Schemes
§
Prevention
of Corruption Act
§
Application
of the Right to Information Act to Drought Relief Works
q Litigation on Enforcement of Minimum
Wages
q Liasioning with the District Labour
Commissioner / Dept.
DISASTER
PREPAREDNESS
1. School Going Children in the Villages Be
Educated On Causes of Drought and Be Trained In Upkeep of Natural Resources of
the Village
2. College and University Students Of
Western Rajasthan Be Involved in Impact Assessment, Awareness Programmes and
Management of Drought Relief Programmes
3. Rajasthan Board and State Universities
Must Incorporate Topics like Causes of Drought; Traditional and Scientific
Remedial Measures Including Economic Issues in Their Syllabi with mandatory
Field Visits to Rural Areas to Develop An Understanding the Dynamics of Drought
4. NGOs Should Make Natural Resource
Monitoring A regular part of their programmes
5. Develop Centralized Resource Centre with
Appropriate Decentralized Mechanisms for regular and timely Information
Dissemination About ‘Drought within the NGOs’
RESEARCH
1. Linking Up With Bio Technology Research,
even if critically
2. Review of DDP / BADP / DPAP Programmes
Since Independence
3. Impact of On-Going Development Programmes
/ Schemes on Poor / Natural Resource Base
4. Climate Change and Impact on Biosphere In
The Thar
5. Regular Seminars / Workshops on Key
themes Relating to Natural Resource Use in
the Thar
(Note Presented At Desert Forum of NGOs at Jodhpur on 9 October 2003)
Starting in 1990 as a voluntary effort in remote regions
of Chohtan, SURE today works in the desert districts of Barmer and Jaisalmer,
two of largest and backward districts of India.
From the beginning SURE has focused on strengthening rural
livelihoods, strived for dignity and well being of vulnerable and marginal
communities, especially women and people with different abilities.
Interventions in improving agriculture, conservation of Thar Parkar breed of
cow, ensuring food, fodder and water security have attempted to sustain a judicious
relation with fragile ecology of the Thar. Motivation to pursue our goal,
sustain the vision and mission owes a great deal to the acceptance by rural
communities who have always reposed their faith in us. They have participated
in development initiatives of SURE with a sense of ownership and
accountability. We have been fortunate to get support from well meaning and pro poor people in the state bureaucracy
and development agencies.
These remote districts of Thar are changing fast.
Following the discovery and drilling of oil and setting up of a power
generation unit, Barmer is poised for a period of industrial growth. There is
an increasing talk about the vast potential of reserves of solar energy. All this
modernization is sure to put further squeeze on the fragile ecology and scarce
natural resources of the region. This heightened context of resource tapping
and use has created its opportunities and challenges before rural communities.
The largely survival economy based on fragile natural base and rustic life is
volatile with possibilities of change.
