Tuesday, December 1, 2015

Rajasthan Thar Desert, Droughts and Challenges for Civil Society Action

Before I get down to the task of delineating issues for NGO Action in the context of the ‘drought conditions’ that engulf all the regions of western Rajasthan, it would not be inappropriate for me to devote some time on my understanding of this ‘crisis’. For, as would become clear, this definitely influences my delineation of the issues. Delineation of issues for action, to my mind, also carry the responsibility to think, reflect, discuss and debate. Perhaps we need to realize that as NGOs we have devoted far less time to these things that we ought to have. And it is clear that any discussion about the issues for action has to take into account, more than ever before, the long term.   

In 2002, the spectre of a severe ‘drought’ started haunting the communities of western Rajasthan ever since the State declared the ‘failure of crops’ in it’s Girdawari Report for the rabi crop in May and the relief works in June-July.  As the months have been passing in this unusually long and hot summers, the anticipated problems, because of the crisis apparently caused by the failure of monsoons in entire North India, have become issues of concern among the State, the Donors and the NGO development sector in western Rajasthan. Many, in western Rajasthan, are talking about
possibly the worst drought in recent human memory here.

Whereas there is little disagreement about the pervasiveness of the crisis, there is definitely a conflict of opinions regarding the causal factors that lie behind these ‘drought conditions’. These differences in situating causes result in differing perceptions that determine the kind of issues one delineates for future action.

‘Drought’: The Dominant Paradigm


If one traces the persistent rhetoric of the State, in the last few months, there has been a clear tendency to attribute the scarcity to the failure of monsoons in the State. ‘Drought’ then becomes a ‘natural disaster’, an unfortunate happening for an otherwise dynamic developmental State. In fact it would not be an exaggeration to say that the term ‘drought’ is a lever to trigger off ‘relief works’ in the State. ‘Relief works’ that are eagerly awaited in the circles of bureaucrats and rural elites for the prospects of quick profits they represent. This is a view that derives strength and legitimacy from the structures of power and control in the society that are deeply entrenched.

Here it needs to be pointed that this perception of  ‘drought relief’ following the ‘declaration of drought’ by the State has been solidified over decades since Independence, and it has become an integral part of State policy and planning. Each subsequent year has only reproduced this notion with greater force and penetration. In popular folk memory it has contributed to the formation of a distinct image of ‘profit maximization’ (associated with corruption, hoarding, wage exploitation etc.) by the elites at the expense of the poor.       

Although in the last few years there has been a trend to formulate long term planning (e.g. Water Vision-2045, Government of Rajasthan) to address the problems faced in the water sector), one sees, as yet, very little evidence of the translation of these ‘long-term plans’ on the ground. Moreover this new found ‘optimism’ in long term planning has also to do a lot with organizing funds from international agencies, who for the most part prescribe these formats. Somehow the lower bureaucracy and the Panchayats are so well attuned to reproducing the older patterns of ‘drought relief’, stripping them off these older practices has proved too cumbersome and difficult. However much hope lies in this ‘turn’ of the State towards ‘long term planning’ in which concepts like participation of the community, decentralization of decision making play a key role. Perhaps the NGOs need to enter into a more organized dialogue (both amongst each other and with the State) on these developments at the policy level, set up mechanisms for monitoring it and be ready to participate. I would elaborate on this more when I discuss the issues pertaining to this.

Many NGOs in western Rajasthan began with ‘combating drought’ as one of their most critical objectives. Especially after the drought of 1986-87, the space for NGO action, within the interstices of the State, expanded. In fact in the hey days of NGO work there was an attempt to consciously distance oneself from the dominant logic of ‘relief operations’ of the State by these NGOs. What situated these NGOs as different from the State was the quality of the reach of the NGOs among the community right from identification of the most needy, disbursement of wages and food, to reaching out to people in the far interiors. These practices have contributed to the formation of a distinct work culture by the NGOs. Of late, these have been recognized by the State as well.

However the NGOs, apart from some exceptions here and there, were not really able to articulate an alternative framework for ‘combating drought’. This was most apparent when it came to planning interventions for long-term consolidation or ‘drought proofing’. Perhaps planning for the long term called for certain skills that were either absent or were present in a very elementary form among the NGOs. As a result no conscious and strong alternative to the State ‘model’ of planning and action could come forth. NGOs continued to operate within the dominant framework of the perception of the ‘drought’ and the planning for ‘relief’ spelt out by the State.

In this viewpoint, emergency relief becomes a transitory issue to avert the ‘natural’ disaster. What then follows is a discussion about determining the intensity and spread of ‘relief’ operations. The issues for ‘future’ action then are discussed within the dominant framework of ‘emergency relief’. Often couched in the language of humanitarian concern, the arguments advanced seek to get moral and emotional legitimacy from various sections of the civil society. Although there is an allusion made to long- term consolidation, very few concrete measures are posited. Understandably the vision that characterizes the planning and execution of relief interventions remains wedded to the short term, the immediate.

Here I may point out that the problem that such a viewpoint confronts in the present scarcity conditions is precisely the time frame. This year, the stock, the normal time period of emergency relief, the months of May to July, has been stretched. Somehow, planning ‘emergency relief’ for a longer period becomes unrealistic, calling for huge amounts of funds. An impasse has been reached regarding decisions pertaining to the kind of interventions to be implemented and within what time frame. One manifestation of this impasse has been the inability of the NGOs / Donors to begin any tangible drought ‘relief’ work, despite admitting the severity of the situation on the ground. 
           

‘Drought’: Another View!


Whereas there is little doubt that there has been a failure of monsoons, opinions differ as to the role of this in making the ‘drought conditions’. Proponents of another view would not accept the ‘drought conditions’ as a ‘natural disaster’. Rather they would tend to situate the causes in the interplay of interconnected factors over a long period of time, climatic changes being one of them.

For those of us in the field, in a way, ‘drought’ has never gone off the ground since 1998. It could be argued that the ‘severe crisis’ that we are facing now, is a result of slow, persistent degradation that has been taking place all these years.

Many would argue that the ‘drought conditions’ today are, in a larger measure, a result of long term processes triggered by changing policies and nature of the State and the forces of the market. So instead of situating the present scarcity as a ‘natural disaster’ they would like to view it as a ‘policy drought’. Thus squarely laying the emphasis on socio-economic and political causes rather than climatic.

Moreover they would argue that the role of climatic has to be seen in a more complex way than a mere reductionism of a ‘drought’ from the ’failure of rains’. Failure of monsoons, in this case, has to be made sense of. There are many who attribute India's errant monsoons and consequent drought to larger climatic changes the world over and in the South Asian region. Through the nineties we have learnt to appreciate the intimate interconnectedness of natural phenomenon on the earth. There are many who have made us see that the biosphere is as much a site for politics and control as are economies and polities. Global warming and the related changes are no longer a matter of seminar room talk only. What I mean to say is that the failure of rains is also a manifestation of the all out onslaught on our biosphere by global capital. This is one dimension that we need to integrate and factor in our discussions about ecological stability and sustainability of the Thar.

There is, of course, the question of forecasting these adverse events. For changes in weather and rainfall, the ability to forecast droughts and floods well in advance has not been perfected. The problem is one of imperfections in our scientific instruments. Satellites can give us information only a bit in advance. But full forecasting, with reasonable probability of occurrence, is a long way off. However, considering that adverse climatic patterns do occur now and then, there must be a set of
policies to deal with the situations. Unfortunately, this is not happening in India.

Collapse of agriculture and other livelihoods just by a failure of rains, even after fifty years of planning, raises many basic questions about our planning and programmes.

For the last ten years we had a series of average or above average rainfall years -- a very unusual meteorological phenomenon. In eight years rainfall was 101 to 119 percent of average and in                  the remaining two, above 90 percent (90 to 110 percent is the "normal" range). Ten good monsoons and we still managed to wreck Indian agriculture



There are strong contending views in the contemporary literature on the Indian agricultural policies that vulnerability of Indian farmers greatly influenced by Globalization and the policies of WTO and GATT. Investment in agriculture collapsed in the 1990s The ministry of agriculture as well as the ministry of commerce have admitted that the hopes from an international regime that talked of establishing a fair and market-oriented agricultural trading system  have been belied.

Today, at a time when food production struggles to keep pace with the burgeoning population growth, farmers are being asked to diversify, produce crops that are suitable for export                  and to compete in the international market. With the promise of cheap food available off the shelf in the global market, the focus has shifted from agriculture to industry, trade and commerce, from the small and marginal farmers to the agri-processing companies, which alone can bring in investments and add value to produce.

The poor yields and the fluctuations in production are indications of the scant attention                         drylands have received from policymakers and planners. The problem of increasing productivity on drylands has serious socio-economic implications. With every passing year, the gap between the farmer's yields in irrigated areas and in the dry farming region is widening. One year of drought is enough to push a farmer into a deep well of poverty for another two to three years. Drought                         is a recurring phenomenon in arid and semi-arid areas. Fifty years after Independence, life for millions of people somehow surviving in the drylands continues to be worse than before. The farmers in the dry lands (fragile areas) are among the worst hit. 

Rajasthan's rural poor are seeing the shredding of the little food security they were left with.

The rural poor, especially landless labourers have suffered in the following ways. A fall in income is obvious. For many, the period from about August to October is anyway critical. As food prices rise, so will hunger in rural households.  Many who own a few goats or fewer head of cattle could lose them. The debt situation gets much worse.  The pressure on women in rural households will be huge. The time and energy they spend in fetching water, firewood and fodder shoots up. But their food intake goes down. The policies of the past decade have smashed what little the rural poor have had on the public health front.

And yet, the drought is discussed mostly as a natural phenomenon. As if everything was fine until it came along. And the failure to cope with it seen as one of "faulty implementation" of noble projects and schemes. Really? In fact, as P. Sainath  says”…the problems lie first in the policies. Most of them anti-poor in design and content. In fact, the last decade saw the best implementation of the worst policies.” 

In fact it would not be an exaggeration to say that the end of nineties represented the culmination of a process of liberalization and the marginalization of poor that started almost a decade and a half earlier. 

Over time there has been what could be referred to as the ‘retreat of the State’ where it’s welfare role has practically minimized having it’s manifestations in cuts in social spending, primary health, security and education. These cuts have had drastic consequences for the survival of poor communities in the rural regions. This ‘retreat of the State’ has had it’s impact on the growth of the NGO sector in the Thar. The nineties has seen the mushrooming of many small, localized NGO initiatives. Voluntary spirit to work at the grass- roots was outpaced by the proliferation of localized organizations for ‘rural development’. This has impacted on the ‘distinct work culture’ of the NGOs I mentioned in the last section.

All this has triggered off a crisis of legitimacy of the NGOs in the civil society. Although still quite nascent, there have been beginnings made on the questioning of the legitimate space of the NGOs vis-à-vis the community as well as the different levels of the State. As many NGO workers from different NGOs in the Thar would testify, the contestation of the space vis-à-vis the community as well different levels of the State has almost become a daily existential question. In a period of heightened scarcity like ‘drought’ such contestations become more sharpened and acute.

Changes because of policies and their implementation; increasing role of the market and the changing role of the State manifest themselves in ever increasing disparities between the rich and the poor; pauperization of the poor; loss of markets and livelihood opportunities for the poor; diminishing entitlements of food and water for the poor, especially low caste and women; exorbitant rates of interest for credit; perpetuation of extremely exploitative work conditions for the low caste, etc.  

And these manifestations happen in a fragile eco-system like that of the Thar, where natural resource use, in many spheres, has reached limits. In the last four decades the Thar has become a more crowded place and the impact of anthropogenic pressures on the natural resource base has been quite massive. In the last fifty years, the contraction of vegetation cover / bio- mass has assumed catastrophic proportions. This is important since it severely limits diversity of an already fragile ecosystem.  




THE WORLD OF POOR & VULNERABLE IN THE THAR


In the meeting of the Desert Forum held in the month of August 2002 it was decided to do a rapid survey especially focusing on the condition of the most vulnerable families and the stocks of food and fodder and water storage capacity available with the poor families in villages. The following NGOs participated in the survey and generated a fair amount of data in a short span of time.


NAME OFTHE NGO
PROJECT AREA
DISTRICT






1. UMBVS
PHALODI &
JODHPUR &

POKARAN
JAISALAMER
2. Marushakti
SUJANGARH
CHURU
3. Prayas Sansthan
SINDHARI
BARMER
4. Lok Kalyan Sansthan
BAITU
BARMER
5. Srajamyaham
SAM
JAISALMER
6. Sahaj Sansthan
PHALODI
JODHPUR
7. School of Desert Sciences
LUNI
JODHPUR
8. Khejari
JAYAL
NAGORE
9. Jan Kalyan Sansthan
POKARAN
JAISALMER
10. Samaj Evam Paryavaran Sansthan
BALESAR
JODHPUR
11. SURE
CHOHTAN
BARMER
12. Gramin Vikas Parayvaran Sarankshan Sansthan
KHICHAN
JODHPUR
13. Shanti Maitri Mission Sansthan
PUGAL
BIKANER
14. Mahila Mandal
SHIV
BARMER
15. UNNATI *
JODHPUR

16. AZERC, URMUL Trust *

BIKANER


 * - Research and Support Centres

 


I would not go into the interpretation and analysis of the data generated by these different NGOs as that is being done. Rather I would just mention the broad trends it reveals about the world of the poor and vulnerable in the Thar. A world full of stress and has broken down in this crisis.

The survey reveals that so far as the stocks of food grains and fodder is concerned, most of the households have no storages except for the same day. If some of them do have food grains or fodder that is good enough for a week or so only. This shows how much dependent they are on the market for these essentials. And how vulnerable to indebtedness which is bound to grow by leaps and bounds during this period. In fact many in the survey pointed out that the scarcity this year is so severe and the prospects of future so bleak that the moneylenders in the village have refused to give credit. Similarly the situation of access to drinking water is a sordid tale with most of the families having to buy their daily / weekly quotas of water. The poor have no storages that makes their condition even worse. The public water supplies do not reach those living in interior settlements.

The vulnerability to succumb to the pressures of the market has increased tremendously. Distress sales of the livestock have dropped to more than half. Wage work in the market is not there or is available at very low prices. Migration has increased but this time since the scarcity is equally there in the adjoining states of Punjab, Gujarat and Haryana, there is not much to be found there either.       
 
ISSUES

In delineating issues for some of the critical areas that need urgent attention by the grass root NGOs I am aware that most of these issues mentioned are mostly those around which the NGOs are already implementing activities. In mentioning them I am not doing anything new. Well, the aim is not to mention anything new. Rather the delineation of issues that follows is a submission of a kind. Some issues mentioned try to reiterate elements pertaining to processes or mechanisms regarding key interventions in the light of the field experience of many field workers in the Thar during the last decade. They are outcomes of learning from the grass root experience of development projects. Others attempt to anticipate the possible scenarios / trends that are emerging in resource distribution and use and considerations on sustainable development in Thar in the light of new, fairly radical changes that are coming in the Thar. In that sense they strike a note of caution, and imbued with a sense of urgency coax the NGOs to act in a more collective manner relying on different, higher forms of organisation.    


WATER



1. Renovation of TWHS in Both Drylands & IGNP Canal Areas

q  Emphasis on the Water Catchment Structure and Not Earthwork
q  Integrating Afforestation with TWHS Renovation
q  Removal of Prosopis Jurifora rubble and obstacles from water catchments
q  Ensuring Community Participation Not Only in Construction of TWHS But Maintenance and Water Distribution

2. Need to Work Closely With State PHED Dept., GoR
q  Operations and Maintenance of Pipelines and Wells
q  Participation of the Community

3. Application of Renewable Energy (Especially Solar & Wind) For Harnessing Water
4. Devising Strategies for Community Based Cooperatives for Under Ground Water Use
5. Exploring Renewable Technologies for Under Ground Water Use
6. Promoting Desalinization Plants on a Decentralized Basis
7. Policy & Public Advocacy on Water
q  Water Vision 2045 (GoR)
q  National & State Water Policy
q  Underground Water Bill
q  PIM Act 2000
q  Access to Water By Low Caste

8. Setting Up of A Resoure & Training Centre in Pugal, Bikaner for Popular Institutions (Chak Samities / Forest Committees) For Efficient Water Management in the IGNP Stage II Command Area

9. Promoting Cartage of Water By Camel Carts to Interior Settlements



LIVELIHOODS


AGRICULTURE

  1. Setting Up of Seed Banks of Indigenous Seeds
  2. Agricultural Land Bunding For Small & Marginal Farmers
  3. Promoting Organic Manure & Compost Pits
  4. Piloting & Dissemination of Sustainable Agricultural Practices Using Participatory Technology Development Approaches
  5. Advocacy on Integrating Water-Course Covering & Diggi Construction As Essential Components in Farmer Managed PIM In the IGNP Stage II
  6. Facilitating Farmer participation in Seeds & Fertilizer Market
  7. Creation of Producers’ Cooperatives & Federations


LIVESTOCK REARING

    1. Promoting Breed Improvement of Hardy and Indigenous Breeds like Thar Parkar, Rathi, etc
    2. Facilitating Linkages of Pastoral Groups with Govt. Veterinary Services
    3.  Develop and Institutionalize Village “Goshalas” with year round back up of pasture, animal husbandry and breed improvement support
    4. Use of Cow Dung and Urine to Prepare Variety Of Bio products For Economic Upkeep and Sustenance of “Goshalas”
    5. Promoting Goat rearing As a Livelihood for Poor In an Ecologically Sustainable Manner
    6. Advocacy on Recognition of Communal Usufructory Grazing Rights of Pastoralists
    7. Regularising Health Facilities for Livestock as well as Humans Along Major Migration Routes

NON-FARM LIVELIHOODS

1.       Promoting Handicrafts
2.      Formation of Women SHGs and Producer Cooperatives at the Village level
3.      Easy Availability of Rural Credit for Setting Up Small Business
4.      Developing Vocational Skills Other Than Traditional Crafts As Livelihood Options

FOOD STOCKS & DISTRIBUTION


1.       Coordinating with the Supreme Court Secretariat for Proper Implementation of Food & Nutrition Schemes of the Govt. 
2.      Liasioning with the District Supply Officer / Education Dept.
3.      Building Community Based Nutrition Monitoring Networks
4.      Promoting Decentralized Locally Designed Storage Structures
5.      Facilitating Exchange Among Inter-Regional Networks of Grain Banks 

 FODDER & GRASSLANDS


1.       Monitoring Bio Mass and Vegetation Cover
2.      Revival and Rejuvenation of “Orans” and “Gouchars” By Removing Exotic Species and widening water channels and water bodies located in these CPRs
3.      Promoting traditional stocking strategies for Fodder Storage
4.      Efforts To Increase Genetic Diversity
5.      Plantation of Herbal Plants on a large scale
6.      Promoting Decentralized Fodder Storage
7.      Making Use of Good Rainfall Years to Increase Bio Mass Production
8.     Advocating for Protection / Conservation of Natural Grasslands
9.      Facilitating Regeneration / Regulation of Village pastures for Small Livestock Owners
10.  Community Participation and Decision Making In Bio Mass Regeneration





POLICY ADVOCACY LINKED TO ‘DROUGHT’


1.       Assessment Process & Declaration of ‘Drought’


q  The Production of Girdawari as a Document - Is it adequate?
q  Question of Crop Failure as an Index, why not have biological yields per hectares as an Index!
q  Indicators for Assessing the Status of Livestock Keepers & Grasslands
q  Ascertaining Migration patterns of Humans / Livestock
q  'Critique' of the Rajasthan Famine Relief Code
q  Role of Climate Changes & Changing Structure of Drought
q  When does 'drought' end? 

2.      Drought Relief: Policy & Practice


q  Awareness Sessions / Campaigns for the NGOs / Community

§  Provisions relating the Right to Minimum Wages & Employment Schemes
§  Prevention of Corruption Act
§  Application of the Right to Information Act to Drought Relief Works

q  Litigation on Enforcement of Minimum Wages
q  Liasioning with the District Labour Commissioner / Dept.


DISASTER PREPAREDNESS


1.       School Going Children in the Villages Be Educated On Causes of Drought and Be Trained In Upkeep of Natural Resources of the Village
2.      College and University Students Of Western Rajasthan Be Involved in Impact Assessment, Awareness Programmes and Management of Drought Relief Programmes
3.      Rajasthan Board and State Universities Must Incorporate Topics like Causes of Drought; Traditional and Scientific Remedial Measures Including Economic Issues in Their Syllabi with mandatory Field Visits to Rural Areas to Develop An Understanding the Dynamics of Drought
4.      NGOs Should Make Natural Resource Monitoring A regular part of their programmes
5.      Develop Centralized Resource Centre with Appropriate Decentralized Mechanisms for regular and timely Information Dissemination About ‘Drought within the NGOs’  
                       

RESEARCH

1.       Linking Up With Bio Technology Research, even if critically
2.      Review of DDP / BADP / DPAP Programmes Since Independence
3.      Impact of On-Going Development Programmes / Schemes on Poor / Natural Resource Base
4.      Climate Change and Impact on Biosphere In The Thar
5.      Regular Seminars / Workshops on Key themes Relating to Natural Resource Use in  the Thar


(Note Presented At Desert Forum of NGOs at Jodhpur on 9 October 2003)


No comments: